Ptolemy III Chronicle (BCHP 11): Related texts

The cuneiform tablet (BM 34428) is in the British Museum. On this website, a reading is proposed by Bert van der Spek of the Free University of Amsterdam (Netherlands) and Irving Finkel of the British Museum. Please notice that this is a preliminary edition.

This web publication is intended to invite suggestions for better readings, comments and interpretations (go here to contact Van der Spek).

Related documents

1. Astronomical Diary concerning the year SE 66 = 246/5 BCE
2. Babylonian King List of the Hellenistic Period

Astronomical Diary concerning SE 66

Astronomical Diary II, p. 66-72, No. –245

1. = BM 132276 (1958-4-12, 10) + MNB 1874^! ; 
2. = Rm 767 + 818 + BM 41633 (= 81-6-25,249) + BM 77244 (= 83-6-30, 24)

Description of the tablet

• A consists of two fragments, one the upper left part, now in Paris (MNB 1874^!), and the other, adjoining at the right side, now in the British Museum (BM 132276 (1958-4-12,10)). Cf photograph AD II, plate 82.
• B consists of four fragments which are joined: Rm 767 + 818 + BM 41633 (= 81-6-25,249) + 77244 (= 83-6-30,24). BM 132276 I collated on 23 March 2004. This fragment is a thick and heavy fragment of 3.8 cm thickness, height 9 cm. and width 9 cm (at dividing line on obverse). The dividing line on the reverse measures 7.5 cm.

• Photo Pl. 82 f.; copy J.-M. Durand, TBER p. 83 (MNB 1874^sic);
• Photo pl. 83; Copy: LBAT 274 (BM 41633 only); date discussed in Iraq 16, 206. It is difficult to say how much space is lost on the right edge.

Commentary

13
^fA-pa-am-mu. Hunger transliterated a masculine determinative here, but the feminine denominator (SAL = f) is clearly visible on the tablet. The name can be no other than Apamê and we are relieved from previous attempts to create masculine names like Apames (Sherwin-White, Kuhrt 1993: 231) or Apammos (Van der Spek 1993a: 72 note 7, where I assumed that this Apammos was the son of Antiochus II and Berenice Phernephorus. We now know that the latter was also called Antiochus (Blümel 1992; Kobes 1995)).

The daughter in question was unquestionably a daughter of Antiochus and Laodice. Laodice gave birth to three daughters, Stratonice III, Laodice and the mother of Antipater, whose name was hitherto unknown (Porphyrius, FGrH 260 F 32,6; Polybius of Megalopolis 5.79.12). So we now know the name.

We cannot be certain from this line that the children were present in Babylon on this day. It may be that they attended the last day of the Akitu festival (1-11 Nisannu), but one must consider the possibility that someone presented offerings "[for the life of Antiochus, the king, and for S]eleucus, Antiochus and Apamê in Esagila". Against this option plead two arguments:

1. the construction with "in Esagila" in this part of the sentence is not paralleled by other descriptions of offerings for the life of kings;
2. offerings "for the life of the king" are not attested in the diaries before 204 BCE.

B Obverse 3' 
iš-ta-nak-/kan\  (Hunger read: iš ta ka ak) is the Gtn stem of the verb šakânu. This verb has a variety of meanings, of which "to place, to establish, to institute, to provide" are the most prominent (cf. CAD Š1, p. 116-157). The Gtn stem gives the verb an iterative meaning. Seleucus, the crown prince, seems to have instituted something on a regular basis, probably relating to the temple.

4'
Dâtabarra is an Old Persian loanword indicating "a high judicial official" (CAD D, p. 122 s.v.), "law-officer" (Stolper 1985: 91). "It is reasonable to believe that the title labels an officer in the satrapal service, homologous with the judges (DI.KUD.MEŠ) of Gobryas the satrap, mentioned in later texts of the (Murashû) archive" (ibidem). Note the continued use of the Old Persian loanword dâta, "law", in Seleucid Babylonia in CT 49, 102:7 (= Stolper 1993, p. 51, no. 17); 137: 29; 173:11 (= Stolper 1993, p. 25, no. 8); ZA 3 (1888) 150, no. 13:9 (= Stolper 1993, p. 28, no. 9. For a discussion: Stolper 1993, p. 60-3.

It is remarkable that the dâtabara is inserted here between the shatammu and the kinishtu, though it is not without parallel. In CT 49, 118:2; 122:3; 123:3 and 182:3 a paqdu ("representative") of Nikanor is mentioned in the same place. The texts are letters about the payment of rations (for a discussion see Boiy 2000: 208). The persons in question probably are royal officials who kept an eye on the finances of the temple. In this case it may well have something to do with the land conveyance of Laodice and her sons to Babylon (see next line).

5'
The Laodice here mentioned is Antiochus' wife. The line probably refers to the land grant, which Antiochus II had made to his wife Laodice and her sons, who in turn gave it to the Babylonians, as is registered in the Lehmann text [to be published]. Festivities were held on the occasion, offerings presented. The enigmatic phrase "they ate bread in it" occurs here again, which in other contexts points at a Greek practice. See Ruin of Esagila Chronicle (BCHP 6), line 9 with commentary.

A Reverse 5'-6'
In view of the fact that the Babylonian King List of the Hellenistic Period mentions the report of Antiochus' death in this very month, it cannot be something else here. It is telling that this death caused fear in Babylonia. Together with the news of Antiochus' death, news on the struggle between the queens Berenice and Laodice may have arrived as well. A victory for Berenice must have been viewed with anxiety in view of the recent land grants by Laodice, who likely would be annulled (Cf. Van der Spek 1993).

B Lower edge
This line may show that Seleucus II Callinicus was immediately accepted as king at the report of his father’s death. If the tablet is a later copy, it could have been constructed this way from hindsight.
 

Babylonian Kinglist (BM 35603)

Commentary